The discourse of struggle is not opposed to the unconscious, it’s opposed to the secret.
This seems a let down, but what if the secret were worth much more? A whole series of equivocations concerning what is “hidden,” “repressed,” “unspoken,” enables a cheap “psychoanalysis” of what should be the object of political struggle. The secret is perhaps more difficult to bring to light than the unconscious. The two themes which only yesterday we came across once again, that “writing is the repressed” and that “writing is by rights subversive,” in my opinion betray several operations which must be severely criticized.
揭示秘密比说出无意识更困难？
Perhaps it has to do with investments, as much economic as unconscious: there exist investments of desire which explain that one can if necessary desire not against one’s interest, since interest always follows and appears wherever desire places it, but desire in a way that is deeper and more diffuse than one’s interest.
常见批判，对于马克思，人们提到「不仅有利益」……但更进一步，利益是跟着欲望走的。利益总是出现在欲望所指定的位置。所以只有欲望投资。了解这一点，我们就知道精神分析等对欲望的描述何以太简陋，因为它是针对现存利益种类而生的，缺乏前瞻性，本身就是为了固化。
By engaging in this struggle which is their own (they are perfectly familiar with its targets, and they themselves determine the methods), these people enter the revolutionary process – as allies of the proletariat, of course, since power is exercised in the way that maintains capitalist exploitation. These people truly serve the cause of the proletariat revolution by fighting precisely at that point where they suffer oppression.
#foucault #deleuze
Praxis is a network of relays from one theoretical point to another, and theory relays one praxis to another. A theory cannot be developed without encountering a wall, and a praxis is needed to break through. Take yourself, for example, you begin by theoretically analyzing a milieu of imprisonment like the psychiatric asylum of nineteenth-century capitalist society. Then you discover how necessary it is precisely for those who are imprisoned to speak on their own behalf, for them to become a relay (or perhaps you were already a relay for them), but these people are prisoners, they’re in prison. This was the logic behind your creating the GIP (Group for Information on Prisons): to promote the conditions in which the prisoners themselves could speak. It would be totally misguided to say, as the Maoist seemed to be saying, that you were making a move toward praxis by applying your theories. In your case we find neither an application, nor a reform program, nor an investigation in the traditional sense. It is something else entirely: a system of relays in an assemblage, in a multiplicity of bits and pieces both theoretical and practical. For us, the intellectual and theorist have ceased to be a subject, a consciousness, that represents or is representative. And those involved in political struggle have ceased to be represented, whether by a party or a union that would in turn claim for itself the right to be their conscience. Who speaks and who acts? It’s always a multiplicity, even in the person that speaks or acts. We are all groupuscles. There is no more representation. There is only action, the action of theory, the action of praxis, in the relations of relays and networks.
德勒兹关于配置的解释：理论在自我发展的过程中要求引入实践来排除障碍，完成下一个环节，而非理论独居于外「指导」实践并以一种辩证的关系相互促成什么的；比如福柯经过理论研究发现了囚犯为自己发言的重要性，于是需要一种给他们铺设说话渠道的实践，为此建立了监狱信息小组 GIP。这就在配置中形成了一套接力的系统，理论和实践作为零部件在一个多元体内互相接驳，而不是意为身主。知识分子不是一个群体的代表或「意识」，而是和斗争中的人们接通成一体的多元体中的神经元（可以这么说吗？）甚至这多元体中的个体也都是多元体。没有代表，只有行动，理论和实践皆是行动，编成了一张接力之网。
福柯接着补充道：
So it is that theory does not express, translate, or apply a praxis; it is a praxis – but local and regional, as you say: non-totalizing. A struggle against power, a struggle to bring power to light and open it up wherever it is most invisible and insidious. Not a struggle for some ”insight” or ”realization” (for a long time now consciousness as knowledge has been acquired by the masses, and consciousness as subjectivity has been taken, occupied by
the bourgeoisie) – but a struggle to undermine and take power side by side with those who are fighting, and not off to the side trying to enlighten them. A ”theory” is the regional system of this struggle.
理论本就是一种实践，不是吗？局部的实践；反对权力、把权力从阴影里拉出来并展开其隐蔽之处的实践；不是那种为了发现真理或启示的实践。现在是要和人们肩并肩斗争，而不是跳出三界外试图「启蒙」他们。
As soon as a theory takes hold at this or that point, it runs up against the impossibility of having the least practical consequence without there being an explosion, at some distant point if necessary. That’s why the idea of reform is so stupid and hypocritical.
第一句有点难解，可以粗略阐释为：理论天生与权力相反，它从不「总体化」（统战？），所以一旦某种理论开始占统治地位，它就无法引发一场开启实践行为的爆炸。因此「改革」的想法伪善愚蠢，永不可能根据某种理论而「改良」。改良之时，便是理论被权力网络攫获而僵死之日。
#foucault #deleuze
翻译和照搬自 Norman toponymy – Wikipedia。
前诺曼底
大城市
大部分主要城市用的是罗马化的凯尔特地名。
公元前
| 法语 |
拉丁语 |
拆分 |
释义 |
| Rouen |
Rotomagus |
wheel + place |
wheel market |
| Bandizip |
Catumagus |
battle + place |
battlefield |
| Carentan |
Carentomagus |
|
|
| Vernon |
Vernomagus |
alder-tree + place |
plain of the alder-trees |
公元后
大部分是把古罗马 civitas（一种行政区）的罗马高卢地名改名为当地部落的名字：
| 地名 |
civitas |
原名 |
释义 |
| Bayeux |
Bajocassensis |
Augustodurum |
forum dedicated to Augustus |
| Evreux |
Eburovicensis |
Mediolanum |
|
| Lisieux |
Lexoviensis |
Noviomagus |
new market |
| Avranches |
Abrincatii |
Ingena / Legedia |
|
例外：
| 地名 |
原名 |
释义 |
| Coutances |
Constantia |
dedicated to Emperor Constantius Chlorus |
| Lillebonne |
Juliobona |
dedicated to Julius + foundation / spring |
法国北部地名常见套路
- -acum: 意思是 “place of” 或者 “property”，源自凯尔特语的 -āko(n)；后来缩合成 -ay, -ai, -ey, -é, -y 等形式。例如：Gournay, Bernay, Cernay, Andilly；
- 高卢或拉丁男性名字：Massy from Gaulish Mascius; Marcilly from Roman Marcellus; Fleury from Roman Florius; Montigny from Roman Montanius；
- -acum 结合基督教或日耳曼名字：Repentigny, from the Christian name Repentin(i)us；最常见的是 Glatigny，在诺曼底有 40 多个。
罗曼式地名要素
源自通俗拉丁语。
-ville or Ville-, meaning “farm”, and later “village”
-court, Cour-, or Cor-, meaning “farm with a courtyard”
-val or Val-, meaning “small valley”
-mont or Mont-, meaning “hill”
-mesnil, -menil or Mesnil-, meaning “property”
一般来说，-court, -ville, and -mesnil 这三者用于原日耳曼领地/村落，所以语序也是日耳曼的「定语+地名称谓」，例如：
- Neuville, meaning “new village”
- Bourville (Bodardi villa, 8th century) meaning “Bodard's farm”
- Harcourt (Herolcurt, 11th century) meaning “Herulf's farm”
- Attemesnil (Ademesnil, 13th century) meaning “Adda's property”
以上规律大约占法国地名 1/3，主要是北部。
通俗拉丁语和凯尔特来源的则相反，是「地名称谓+定语」，在奥克语地区和西部风行。同样是 “new village”，奥克语形式就是 Villeneuve 而非 Neuville。
-ville
-court
-mesnil or Mesnil-
-bosc or Bosc-
-vast
诺曼底
view#read #situationist
Citizenship is identified with the right to be forced to partake of the spectacle, which transforms the promotion of all beings and things reduced to commodity status into varieties of nihilism. It is this double feeling of frustration — as human being and as citizen-spectator-producer-consumer of encroaching emptiness — that in May 1968 unleashed a first chain reaction in which subjective energy in the process of liberating itself shook French society to its foundations. In a flash, the immense hope of the reversal of a world reversed was illuminated — a matter of taking the time to ask oneself, “And if it was possible?” — to even the darkest consciousness.
“Terrorism or Revolution” — an introduction to Ernest Coeurderoy
八议最初源于西周时期的八辟，自魏明帝制定新律时，首次将其写入法典之后，一直是后代法典中一项基本的重要制度，历经一千六百多年相沿不改。
八议者除犯十恶以外的死刑，司法机关不能直接审理，必须先将其犯罪事实及应享受特权的理由奏请皇帝，由皇帝交群臣集议后，最后由皇帝作出裁决，一般可免除死罪。若犯流刑以下的罪，则可直接减一等处罚。但是犯十恶者不适用八议的规定。
- 议亲：皇帝的亲属
- 议故：皇帝的故旧
- 议贤：德行高尚，其言论行动可作为法则者
- 议能：能整顿军旅，治理内政，为皇帝出谋划策，师范人伦者
- 议功：对朝廷尽忠效力，建立大功勋的人
- 议贵：三品以上高级官员及有一品爵位的人
- 议勤：高级文武官员中恪尽职守，专心致志办理公务的人
- 议宾：前朝国君的后裔
八议 — 维基百科，自由的百科全书
view#read #cybernetics
One can point to the year 1943 as the beginning of Wiener’s final decisive period of accomplishment. This was the year the original small group of outstanding scientists-physicists, engineers, mathematicians, physiologists, began holding their first discussion groups for the purpose of advancing the new application of control principles on to the biological organism. For this new kind of study which pooled men from all branches of science, Wiener in 1947 gave the name CYBERNETICS (the greek word κυβερνήτης meaning steersman, or its stem meaning governor).
A Tribute to Norbert Wiener — Cybernetics of the Nervous System
The word cybernetics comes from Greek κυβερνητική (kybernētikḗ), meaning “governance”, i.e., all that are pertinent to κυβερνάω (kybernáō), the latter meaning “to steer, navigate or govern”, hence κυβέρνησις (kybérnēsis), meaning “government”, is the government while κυβερνήτης (kybernḗtēs) is the governor or “helmperson” of the “ship”.
Cybernetics — Wikipedia
#read #canetti
集团的目标始终是同一目标。人类的一切生活过程所特有无穷无尽的反复性，也是人类的集团的特点。规定性和反复性在这里导致的结果是具有不可思议的恒久性的组织。正是这种恒久性，正是人们始终是有准备好的、可支配的组织这一事实，使得这些组织在更为复杂的文明中也有可用之处。凡是在要迅速召集群众的地方，这些组织作为群众结晶会一再得到利用。
·
另有一种英格兰乌拉仪式，这类仪式是部落生活中最重要的和最庄严的事件，在这种场合，年轻男子在一个长条形的丘陵上依次平躺在地上，许多小时一声不吭地躺着。这种成排躺着的活动给常反复进行，每一次持续8个小时，从晚上9点持续到第二大早上5点。
·
他们把嫩叶子作为纺织材料，男人们用它织成拉菲亚布。与他们的邻族不同，所有的里里族男人都会织布。他们把方块状的拉菲亚布当作货币来使用。从这种棕榈树还可提取一种非发酵的酒，这种酒很受土人珍爱。
·
不过，每隔三天女人们要离开森林一次，她们必须在前一天储备好食物、柴火和水。森林在里里族人看来是男人们的领域。
森林有无比的威望。里里人提到它时带着几乎是诗人的激情……他们时常强调森林和衬子是完全不冋的。在灼热难当的白天，在很脏的村子里厌烦燥热，他们乐意到清凉、黝暗的森林里。他们离不开森林里的工作，在这工作使他们感到愉快，在其他地方工作既单调又辛苦。他们说：‘村子里度如年，森林里光阴似箭’.男人们夸口说，他们能够在森林里整天工作而不觉得饿，在村子里他们总是会不由自主地想到吃的东西。
他们说，好的食物应该来自森林，那里的食物既于净又卫生，例如野猪和羚羊。老鼠和狗都是不洁的，名之为哈马，哈马同样用来称呼脓和排泄物；山羊和猪也是不洁的，这恰恰是因为它们是在村子里养大的。
·
猎物的分配具有特殊的意义。分配按严格的规则进行，而且其方式突出了狩猎的宗教意义。里里人有三种教派团体，每一个团体都有权享有特定的食物，外人无权问津。第一个教派团体是生产者团体，由抚育过孩子的男人组成。每一头猎物的胸肉以及所有幼兽的肉都属于他们。生产者中又有一些人抚育过一个男孩和一个女孩，从他们中间选出第二个只有排他性的团体的成员，称为穿山甲人他们之所以被称为穿山甲人，是因为只有他们才有权吃穿山甲的肉。第三个团体是占卜者团体，他们分享野猪的头和肠。
·
希皮博人(秘鲁印加帝国的一部分)相信大食蚁兽有神秘的力量，它们是丛林中的骗术师。根据传说，大食蚁兽骗美洲豹交换皮毛，然后就没再换回来。所以现在所有的美洲豹其实都是大食蚁兽，而大食蚁兽其实是美洲豹。
·
吉瓦罗斯族人互相寻找是为了互相报复，就这种情况而言，可以把血腥报复看作他们的社会粘合剂。
·
敌人的首级经过处理缩成橘子般大小，从此这颗头就叫做塔桑塔萨（ Tsantsa）.这样一颗首级的主人因此受到了特别的尊重。
·
这些咒文以及庆典的所有其他活动的中心是塔桑塔萨，掳获来的、经过处理而缩小的敌人首级。敌人的灵魂总是停留在首级的附近，它是极端危险的。他们千方百计要控制它。一旦能够把它变得有用，它的用处是很大的。它会照料人们所养的猪和鸡的繁衍，树薯也由于它而繁衍，它能带来幸福，这也是人们想以繁衍的形式获得的东西。但是要想完全使它屈服并不容易。起初它充满了复仇的欲望，它会对人做出各种各样的坏事。但是，人们用来降服它的仪式和祭典，其数目多得令人吃惊。延续数天的庆典以人们完全控制这颗首级以及属于这颗首级的灵魂而结束。
·
他们希望云层不要停留在天空，而是要变成雨倾注下来。云是友好的群众，这点从他们视云如同祖先就可以看出来。亡魂随雨云而返，带来幸福。当雨云在夏日的午后出现在天空时，人们对孩子们说：“你们看，你们的祖父回来了。”这里的祖父不是指这一个家庭的亡魂，而是泛指祖先。
因此，在普埃布罗人的生活中，祖先、孩子、雨和玉米是基本群众，如果我们按照因果顺序来排列的话那就是：祖先、雨、玉米和孩子。
他们对死亡并不大惊小怪，并且努力尽快忘掉死者，死亡四天之后，酋长提醒族人说，不要再想死者了，他已经死了四年”，死亡被置之脑后，痛苦由此消失。他们看不起哀恸集团：他们拒绝哀伤。
·
当我发现危险的时候，我想叫我的朋友们往回走；他们也这么做了。而我本人则被人群拥挤着往前，一直到大门的附近，在那里所有的人都在为保自己的命而斗争。我看到我自已必死无疑了，我拼尽全力往回跑。一位总督的军官，从肩章上的星肴是一个上校，他也发现了危险，并且也试图往回跑。他抓住我的衣服，把我推倒在一个奄奄一息的老人身上。这个军官把我推倒之后，我们就在将死的人和巳死的人中间，由于绝望而勇气倍增地互相拼搏着。我和这个奄奄一息的老人厮打起来，直到我彻底把他打倒。我终于又站了起来。后来我了解到，这个老人再也没有站起来。
view#read #virilio
“Propaganda must be made directly by words and images, not by writing,” states Goebbels, who was himself a great promoter of audiovisuals in Germany. Reading implies time for reflection, a slowing down that destroys the mass's dynamic efficiency.
街道的潮汐，人群，城市堤坝：
The street is like a new coastline and the dwelling a sea-port from which one can measure the magnitude of the social flow, predict its overflowings. The doors to the city are its tollbooths and its customs posts are dams, filtering the fluidity of the masses, the penetrating power of the migrating hordes.
驯化人群，居住权：
The “right to lodging” is not, as was claimed, the “right to enter the city.” Like the inorganic mass of wild animals, the proletarian horde carries a menace, a load of unpredictability and ferocity. It is allowed as “domestic” to gather and reproduce near the dwellings of men, under their watchful eye.
城市是战略点：
As we saw before, wherever these conditions are fulfilled, there are population centers; where there is traffic, there is also the urban area. To recapitulate, the conditions that obtained at the birth of the great cities are always those that make these cities important strategic points.
Speed and Politics — 1.1 From Street Fight to State Right