The discourse of struggle is not opposed to the unconscious, it’s opposed to the secret. This seems a let down, but what if the secret were worth much more? A whole series of equivocations concerning what is “hidden,” “repressed,” “unspoken,” enables a cheap “psychoanalysis” of what should be the object of political struggle. The secret is perhaps more difficult to bring to light than the unconscious. The two themes which only yesterday we came across once again, that “writing is the repressed” and that “writing is by rights subversive,” in my opinion betray several operations which must be severely criticized.


Perhaps it has to do with investments, as much economic as unconscious: there exist investments of desire which explain that one can if necessary desire not against one’s interest, since interest always follows and appears wherever desire places it, but desire in a way that is deeper and more diffuse than one’s interest.


By engaging in this struggle which is their own (they are perfectly familiar with its targets, and they themselves determine the methods), these people enter the revolutionary process – as allies of the proletariat, of course, since power is exercised in the way that maintains capitalist exploitation. These people truly serve the cause of the proletariat revolution by fighting precisely at that point where they suffer oppression.

#foucault #deleuze

Praxis is a network of relays from one theoretical point to another, and theory relays one praxis to another. A theory cannot be developed without encountering a wall, and a praxis is needed to break through. Take yourself, for example, you begin by theoretically analyzing a milieu of imprisonment like the psychiatric asylum of nineteenth-century capitalist society. Then you discover how necessary it is precisely for those who are imprisoned to speak on their own behalf, for them to become a relay (or perhaps you were already a relay for them), but these people are prisoners, they’re in prison. This was the logic behind your creating the GIP (Group for Information on Prisons): to promote the conditions in which the prisoners themselves could speak. It would be totally misguided to say, as the Maoist seemed to be saying, that you were making a move toward praxis by applying your theories. In your case we find neither an application, nor a reform program, nor an investigation in the traditional sense. It is something else entirely: a system of relays in an assemblage, in a multiplicity of bits and pieces both theoretical and practical. For us, the intellectual and theorist have ceased to be a subject, a consciousness, that represents or is representative. And those involved in political struggle have ceased to be represented, whether by a party or a union that would in turn claim for itself the right to be their conscience. Who speaks and who acts? It’s always a multiplicity, even in the person that speaks or acts. We are all groupuscles. There is no more representation. There is only action, the action of theory, the action of praxis, in the relations of relays and networks.

德勒兹关于配置的解释:理论在自我发展的过程中要求引入实践来排除障碍,完成下一个环节,而非理论独居于外「指导」实践并以一种辩证的关系相互促成什么的;比如福柯经过理论研究发现了囚犯为自己发言的重要性,于是需要一种给他们铺设说话渠道的实践,为此建立了监狱信息小组 GIP。这就在配置中形成了一套接力的系统,理论和实践作为零部件在一个多元体内互相接驳,而不是意为身主。知识分子不是一个群体的代表或「意识」,而是和斗争中的人们接通成一体的多元体中的神经元(可以这么说吗?)甚至这多元体中的个体也都是多元体。没有代表,只有行动,理论和实践皆是行动,编成了一张接力之网


So it is that theory does not express, translate, or apply a praxis; it is a praxis – but local and regional, as you say: non-totalizing. A struggle against power, a struggle to bring power to light and open it up wherever it is most invisible and insidious. Not a struggle for some ”insight” or ”realization” (for a long time now consciousness as knowledge has been acquired by the masses, and consciousness as subjectivity has been taken, occupied by the bourgeoisie) – but a struggle to undermine and take power side by side with those who are fighting, and not off to the side trying to enlighten them. A ”theory” is the regional system of this struggle.


As soon as a theory takes hold at this or that point, it runs up against the impossibility of having the least practical consequence without there being an explosion, at some distant point if necessary. That’s why the idea of reform is so stupid and hypocritical.


#foucault #deleuze

翻译和照搬自 Norman toponymy – Wikipedia





法语 拉丁语 拆分 释义
Rouen Rotomagus wheel + place wheel market
Bandizip Catumagus battle + place battlefield
Carentan Carentomagus
Vernon Vernomagus alder-tree + place plain of the alder-trees


大部分是把古罗马 civitas(一种行政区)的罗马高卢地名改名为当地部落的名字:

地名 civitas 原名 释义
Bayeux Bajocassensis Augustodurum forum dedicated to Augustus
Evreux Eburovicensis Mediolanum
Lisieux Lexoviensis Noviomagus new market
Avranches Abrincatii Ingena / Legedia


地名 原名 释义
Coutances Constantia dedicated to Emperor Constantius Chlorus
Lillebonne Juliobona dedicated to Julius + foundation / spring


  • -acum: 意思是 “place of” 或者 “property”,源自凯尔特语的 -āko(n);后来缩合成 -ay, -ai, -ey, , -y 等形式。例如:Gournay, Bernay, Cernay, Andilly;
  • 高卢或拉丁男性名字:Massy from Gaulish Mascius; Marcilly from Roman Marcellus; Fleury from Roman Florius; Montigny from Roman Montanius;
  • -acum 结合基督教或日耳曼名字:Repentigny, from the Christian name Repentin(i)us;最常见的是 Glatigny,在诺曼底有 40 多个。



-ville or Ville-, meaning “farm”, and later “village” -court, Cour-, or Cor-, meaning “farm with a courtyard” -val or Val-, meaning “small valley” -mont or Mont-, meaning “hill” -mesnil, -menil or Mesnil-, meaning “property”

一般来说,-court, -ville, and -mesnil 这三者用于原日耳曼领地/村落,所以语序也是日耳曼的「定语+地名称谓」,例如:

  • Neuville, meaning “new village”
  • Bourville (Bodardi villa, 8th century) meaning “Bodard's farm”
  • Harcourt (Herolcurt, 11th century) meaning “Herulf's farm”
  • Attemesnil (Ademesnil, 13th century) meaning “Adda's property”

以上规律大约占法国地名 1/3,主要是北部。

通俗拉丁语和凯尔特来源的则相反,是「地名称谓+定语」,在奥克语地区和西部风行。同样是 “new village”,奥克语形式就是 Villeneuve 而非 Neuville。



-mesnil or Mesnil-

-bosc or Bosc-



#read #situationist

Citizenship is identified with the right to be forced to partake of the spectacle, which transforms the promotion of all beings and things reduced to commodity status into varieties of nihilism. It is this double feeling of frustration — as human being and as citizen-spectator-producer-consumer of encroaching emptiness — that in May 1968 unleashed a first chain reaction in which subjective energy in the process of liberating itself shook French society to its foundations. In a flash, the immense hope of the reversal of a world reversed was illuminated — a matter of taking the time to ask oneself, “And if it was possible?” — to even the darkest consciousness.

“Terrorism or Revolution” — an introduction to Ernest Coeurderoy



  • 议亲:皇帝的亲属
  • 议故:皇帝的故旧
  • 议贤:德行高尚,其言论行动可作为法则者
  • 议能:能整顿军旅,治理内政,为皇帝出谋划策,师范人伦者
  • 议功:对朝廷尽忠效力,建立大功勋的人
  • 议贵:三品以上高级官员及有一品爵位的人
  • 议勤:高级文武官员中恪尽职守,专心致志办理公务的人
  • 议宾:前朝国君的后裔

八议 — 维基百科,自由的百科全书

#read #cybernetics

One can point to the year 1943 as the beginning of Wiener’s final decisive period of accomplishment. This was the year the original small group of outstanding scientists-physicists, engineers, mathematicians, physiologists, began holding their first discussion groups for the purpose of advancing the new application of control principles on to the biological organism. For this new kind of study which pooled men from all branches of science, Wiener in 1947 gave the name CYBERNETICS (the greek word κυβερνήτης meaning steersman, or its stem meaning governor).

A Tribute to Norbert Wiener — Cybernetics of the Nervous System

The word cybernetics comes from Greek κυβερνητική (kybernētikḗ), meaning “governance”, i.e., all that are pertinent to κυβερνάω (kybernáō), the latter meaning “to steer, navigate or govern”, hence κυβέρνησις (kybérnēsis), meaning “government”, is the government while κυβερνήτης (kybernḗtēs) is the governor or “helmperson” of the “ship”.

Cybernetics — Wikipedia

#read #canetti

















敌人的首级经过处理缩成橘子般大小,从此这颗头就叫做塔桑塔萨( Tsantsa).这样一颗首级的主人因此受到了特别的尊重。









#read #byzantine

  • 罗马人拉弓用拇指和食指,波斯人用另外三根手指。
  • 骑兵应该练习马上快速切换弓矛。
  • arithmos/tagma/numerus 有大概 300-400 人,2 个及以上 tagma 形成一个 moira(旅),2 个及以上 moira 形成一个 meros(师)。
  • baldric: 挂武器(剑)的肩带。

For the more handsome the soldier is in his armament, the more confidence he gains in himself and the more fear he inspires in the enemy.

The bucellary troops, Bucellarii, were originally soldiers employed by private individuals. Recruited from both Romans and barbarians, they came to form part of the regular army and eventually setded in the Boukellarion theme in Asia Minor.


A poliorceticon (Greek: πολιορκητικόν, also transliterated poliorketikon, poliorketika in the plural) is any member of the genre of Byzantine literature dealing with manuals on siege warfare, which is formally known as poliorcetics. As with much Byzantine literature, the poliorcetica tend to be compendia of earlier guides illustrated with Biblical and Classical anecdotes. The extent to which they might be up-to-date or representative of actual experiences in the field is sometimes questionable and greatly depends upon the author.

Poliorcetica — Wikipedia

#read #virilio

“Propaganda must be made directly by words and images, not by writing,” states Goebbels, who was himself a great promoter of audiovisuals in Germany. Reading implies time for reflection, a slowing down that destroys the mass's dynamic effi­ciency.


The street is like a new coastline and the dwelling a sea-port from which one can measure the magnitude of the social flow, predict its overflowings. The doors to the city are its tollbooths and its customs posts are dams, filtering the fluidity of the masses, the penetrating power of the migrating hordes.


The “right to lodging” is not, as was claimed, the “right to enter the city.” Like the inorganic mass of wild animals, the proletarian horde carries a menace, a load of unpredictability and ferocity. It is allowed as “domestic” to gather and reproduce near the dwellings of men, under their watchful eye.


As we saw before, wherever these conditions are fulfilled, there are population centers; where there is traffic, there is also the urban area. To recapitulate, the conditions that obtained at the birth of the great cities are always those that make these cities important strategic points.

Speed and Politics — 1.1 From Street Fight to State Right